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For years the Old English charms have fascinated scholars. Two of these charms, both in a healer's text called Lacnunga, hold particular interest for heathen in that both deal with dwarves. For that reason this article will examine these charms.
Before doing so, however, it might be wise to look at how the Anglo-Saxons may have viewed dwarves. Unfortunately Old English sources have very little to say about the dwarves. Old English sources gloss the Old English word dweorgh (our word dwarf) with Latin nanus, which mean "a human being of small size." That Old English dweorgh did not mean this, but rather a metaphysical wight of small size by human standards, seems borne out by the existence of charms against them (presumably our forebears did not believe that short people caused disease).
Other than the glosses and charms, the only other significant appearance of the word dweorgh in Old English is in the plant name dweorge dwosle, commonly assumed by scholars today to be pennyroyal. The etymology of the name is obscure, though it is tempting to derive the dwosle portion of the name from Old English dwascan, "to extinguish, to destroy," so that dweorge dwosle would mean "destroyer of dwarves." There is, however, no proof that the plant was ever used against dwarves. The Old English Herbarium, an Anglo-Saxon version of a Latin work supposedly by Apuleius Platonicus containing a few native additions, states that dweorge dwosle may be used to treat a wide range of ailments, from various types of soreness to spasms. Unfortunately the Herbarium, based as it is on a Latin source, is nearly useless in telling us what the Anglo-Saxons believed concerning dweorge dwosle and dwarves or how the plant came to receive the name. The plant did apparently play an important role in native healing, however, as it is mentioned a few times in Lacnunga (which drew much more heavily on native traditions that did other Old English leechbooks). Dweorge dwosle appears as an ingredient in recipes for an eye salve, a green salve for an unspecified ailment, and a salve for headaches. While this tells us something of the native uses of dweorge dwosle, again it tells us nothing of its association with dwarves or about dwarves themselves.
The scarcity of information on dwarves in Old English sources leaves us little choice but to look to the folklore of other Germanic peoples as well as later English folklore for an idea of how the Anglo-Saxons may have viewed them. In Old Norse/Icelandic mythology the dwarves appear as metaphysical wights more powerful than mortal man but less powerful than the gods. They were believed to dwell in rocks and deep underground; perhaps for this reason they were the "divine smiths" of Northern mythology, having made nearly all of the gods' treasures. The dwarves were also apparently associated with brewing, as it was two dwarves who made the poetic mead from the blood of Kvasir. Like human beings the dwarves vary in temperament, and both benevolent and malevolent dwarves appear in the myth. As a whole, however, the dwarves appear in the myths to have been jealous of their treasures, severely punishing anyone who might seek to steal them, and to have been far greedier than the average human being.
While the dwarves are seldom mentioned in Old English sources, they appear much more frequently in later English folklore. From Middle English onwards dwarves appear in their familiar form as ugly, short dwellers of the earth associated with mining, smithing, and weaving. This image agrees almost completely in German folklore, where dwarves play a prominent role in many fairy tales. The image of the dwarves in both mediaeval English and German folklore in turn agrees with that of Icelandic/Norse mythology. In all three cases the dwarves appear as earth dwellers concerned with guarding their treasure. Indeed, the only significant difference between the dwarves of English/German folklore and those of Norse/Icelandic mythology appears to be that in the Old Norse/Icelandic sources the dwarves are much more powerful, consorting with gods and performing magicks out of reach to mortal men. This difference can be explained simply as a degeneration in folk belief due to Christian encroachment, a phenomenon seen wherever Christianity arose.
At any rate, the general agreement found among the Germanic peoples concerning the dwarves would seem to indicate that either the English, Germans, and other Germanic peoples borrowed the concept of the dwarves from the Scandinavians or that it stems from common proto-Germanic thought. As borrowing on such a wide scale seems unlikely, it would seem reasonable to assume that beliefs concerning dwarves stem from a common Germanic background. If this is the case, we can safely assume that the Anglo-Saxons saw the dwarves as metaphysical wights, small in stature, skilled in smithing and mining, and dwelling in the earth. The fact that Old English charms exist to undo whatever evils they might inflict upon men would seem to indicate that the dwarves of Anglo-Saxon thought were comparable in power to those of Old Norse/Icelandic thought. Only with the coming of Christianity would they be degraded to the level of characters in fairy tales and Disney movies.
With Dweorgh I (Against a Dwarf I)
The first charm against a dwarf to appear in Lacnunga (hereafter called With Dweorgh I) is a piece of prose describing a procedure to cure an infliction brought upon by a dwarf. As will be seen in the translation below, except for the mention of a dwarf, the charm is largely Christian in orientation.
Write this along the arms against a dwarf + (the Greek letter Tau) + (the Greek letter Omega) + (the Greek letter Alpha) and grind (or rub) celandine into ale (or all). Saint Machutus. Saint Victricus.
The charm is repeated again in full, whether as a mnemonic device for the leech or for magical effect cannot be said. Regardless, such repetition is common in Lacnunga.
As can be seen, the above charm is dependent almost wholly upon Christian symbolism. This is obvious the case with the three crosses the healer must write upon the sick man's arm, as well as the two saints who are invoked. The "t" has been theorized by most scholars to mean the Trinity (Yahwe, Jesus, and the Spiritus Sanctus as one), and there seems very little reason to doubt this. The Greek letters omega and alpha also play a part in Christian symbolism, bringing to mind Revelations 1:8, "I am the Alpha and the Omega, the Beginning and the End," says the Lord, "who is and who was and who is to come, the Almighty." It should be noted that in the charm omega and alpha (the "End" and the "Beginning") are reversed from what they are in the Biblical quote. This is perhaps a further play on Christian symbolism in which omega symbolizes an end to the patient's sickness and alpha the beginning of his healing. This would tie in with the three crosses, which bring to mind the crucifixion of Jesus and, according to Christian mythos, his subsequent death and rebirth.
The invocation of saints in this charm is typical of Christian or Christianized charms. St. Machutus was a Welsh missionary to Brittany (d. 620) while St. Victricus appeared in a vision to St. Patrick.
Of greater importance to we as heathen is whether or not the charm could be a drastic rewrite of an older, heathen charm. To begin with, the triplication of the crosses brings to mind the rune spell Sk¡rnir threatened Gerdhr with in "Skírnismál." There Skírniir carves three thorn/thurs runes in succession. This triplication is seen elsewhere in Old Norse/Icelandic sources, as well as on runic artifacts. The stone of Gummarp (circa 600 CE) featured three féoh or "f" runestaves carved in succession. While triplication recurs frequently in runic literature and on runic artifacts, we cannot automatically assume that this was originally a heathen spell. Triplication occurs in spells throughout the world and could just as easily come from Classical or Hebrew influence.
More interesting from a heathen standpoint is the fact that the spell consists of writing symbols and letters along the patient's arms. This too has precedence in Old Norse/Icelandic literature. In the "Sigdrífumá l" Sigdrífa advises SigurðR to mark ale-runes on his drinking horn and his hand, and n¡ed/naudhr on his nails if he would be saved from the wiles of a woman. While less common worldwide than triplication in spells, the writing of symbols on sick or cursed individuals also occurs in several cultures, the Classical civilizations among them. Again we cannot determine whether or not this was originally a heathen charm or one created from whole cloth by a Christian healer.
While we cannot with any certainty determine whether or not this was originally a heathen charm, it is still a strong possibility. If we assume that it was, we are left with the question of what runes and symbols were originally used. Did the healer make one-on-one substitutions with the Christian symbols and Greek letters taking the place of heathen symbol and runestaves of similar meaning? If so we can be assured that the crosses were substituted for some heathen symbol, perhaps the valknutr, trefot, or fylfot. As to what the "t" replaced, as it apparently symbolizes the Trinity it seems reasonable to assume that the runestave would have been one associated with one of our gods, perhaps Ós/Áss, tír/Tyr, or Ing. Omega and alpha present more difficult problems, though if we interpret "end" and "beginning" as "destruction" and "creation" or "death" and "rebirth" we can narrow the field down to any number of "destruction/death" runes (thorn/thurs, ¡s/¡ss) and "creation/rebirth" runes (hægel/hagall, beorc).
Again, it must be stressed that there is no way of knowing if this had been or had not been a heathen charm. Regardless, another question is left by the manuscript itself, whether "gnid cylethenigean on elað" should be interpreted as "grind celandine into ale" or "rub celandine into all (meaning all of the symbols/letters)." The problem lies in the word elað, which does no look like an actual Old English word, but rather a misspelling or "typo" of either ealu "ale" or eall "all." The verb gnidan is of no help to us hear, as it can mean either "to grind" or "to rub." If ealað is interpreted as "ale," then the line should read "grind celandine into ale." We can assume that this ale would either then be given to the patient to drink or perhaps applied to the inscriptions on his arms. If we interpret ealadh as "all," then the lines should be read as "rub celandine into all." We can then assume that celandine was rubbed into each of the inscriptions along the patient's arms. Today the word celandine refers either to a plant related to the poppy or a plant of the buttercup family; what was meant by celandine (OE cylethenigean) in Old English is anybody's guess. As celandine is a Latin derived word, there is a chance that the plant may not even be native to England. The Herbarium states that celandine is to be used for dimness and soreness of the eyes, kernels, headaches, and burns. In Lacnunga it appears, along with many other herbs, as an ingredient in a salve against wens, a "holy salve," and a morning drink (that is, a drink drank in the morning) useful against almost any ailment. Why it is effective against dwarves remains unknown.
With Dweorgh II (Against a Dwarf II)
Unlike With Dweorgh I, the second charm against dwarves to appear in the Lacnunga (hereafter called With Dweorgh II) is almost wholly heathen in orientation. Indeed, as will be seen in the translation below, what Christian trappings the charm possesses almost appear to have been added to make it more acceptable to unheathen ears.
Against a dwarf, one shall take seven little wafers, such as those one offers with, and write these names on each wafer: Maximanus, Malchus, Iohannes, Martinianus, Dionysius, Constatinus, Serafion. Then one shall sing the galdor written hereafter, first in the left ear, then in the right ear, then upon the top of the man's head, and then one who is a maiden shall go to him and hang it on his neck. Do so for three days and soon he will be well.
Then she ended it and oaths she swore that never this must injure the sick Nor those with the power to acquire this galdor nor those who know how to
This charm has long been a source of debate among scholars, and the only thing they seem to agree upon is its heathen origins. Besides dealing with a metaphysical entity from Northern mythology (a dwarf), the galdor contained in this charm is structured along traditional lines. Like Beowulf and the Eddic poems it is composed in pairs of half-lines. It also makes use of alliteration and ends in a slight repetition ("nor those with the power to acquire this galdor/nor those who know how to sing this galdor"). It also deals with concepts peculiar to heathen belief, which would hardly have appeared in a charm of Christian origin. These we examine later.
Before doing so, however, it might be wise to examine the Christian elements in the charms. The first and most obvious of these are the seven wafers, which the charm describes "as one offers with." This is a clear reference to the Christian rite of the Eucharist, so we can be fairly certain that it was Communion wafers that were used in this charm. The names inscribed on each wafer belong to the Seven Sleepers of Christian mythology. According to mediaeval legend, the Seven Sleepers were Christians from Ephesus who were condemned to death by the Roman Emperor Decius. Decius gave them a bit of a reprieve in that they would be spared if only they would renounce their beliefs. Rather than do so they hid themselves in a cave where they slept for 360 years. While the charm does not instruct the healer as to what to do with the wafers once they were inscribed, it seems reasonable to assume that they were then fed to the patient. Like With Dweorgh I, one might be tempted to see the inscription on the wafers and the implied administration of the wafers to the patient as substitutes for heathen elements that could originally have been in the charm; however, this seems unlikely. This portion of the charm almost engages in a bit of "Christian overkill," with the use of Communion wafers, the names of Christian martyrs, and the number seven (which was of almost no importance in native Germanic mythology). While it is possible that these elements could have been substituted for heathen ones (such as giving the patient bread blessed by bl¢t blood or meat from a bl¢t), it seems unlikely that this is the case.
One other Christian element appears, this in the galdor itself: the closing words "Amen (Hebrew meaning "truly, certainly."). Fiat (Latin meaning "Let it be done")," which were probably simply added to the galdor to make it more resemble a prayer. If the galdor had originally had closing words more heathen in spirit, we will probably never know them.
As pointed out above, the heathen origins of the charm are nearly the only point on which scholars agree. One point of contention is the identity of the "spider wight." Some scholars insist that the spider wight is an entity summoned by the healer to "exorcise" the dwarf. They interpret the galdor as describing how the spider wight enters and places his ropes upon the dwarf, then rides him thought the air and back. The spider wight's sister then enters and makes an oath that no one shall be afflicted by such a sickness again.
Other scholars maintain that the spider wight is a shape assumed by the dwarf. They interpret the galdor as telling how the spider/dwarf entered and placed his ropes upon the patient, then rode him through the air and back. The dwarf's sister then enters and puts an end to it.
The argument as to the identity of the the spider-wight seems to have been precipitated by the fact that the galdor changes pronouns in its middle section, from "he" and "you" to "they." The advantage of identifying the spider wight as an entity separate from the dwarf is that it easily explains the change. The healer begins by addressing the dwarf, telling him of the spider wight, then addresses the patient, describing what is happening to the spider wight and the dwarf. It must be pointed out that the concept of the spider wight as an entity which attacks the dwarf could easily tie into a mediaeval English treatment in which a spider contained in a small pouch was hung around the patient's neck. An argument against identification of the spider wight with the dwarf is that it would appear to make the role of the "beast's sister" both nonsensical and superfluous. If we assume that her role is to insure that non one ever again suffers from sickness brought on by dwarves, then why would she put an end to her brother's ride upon the dwarf, which according to this theory is supposed to effect a cure? While the galdor in With Dweorgh II is hardly great literature, it would seem that it, like all galdors, would have its own internal logic or continuity from which it would not stray.
If we identify the spider wight with the dwarf, then we are left with the problem of the shift in pronouns in the galdors mid-section. It is possible that the composer of the galdor simply chose to use "they" rather than "he" and "you" to preserve the galdor's metrics--in Old English as in modern English, "he and you" would have meant more syllables than simply "they." Beyond the problem of the pronoun shift, identifying the spider wight with the dwarf makes sense from the standpoint of the galdor's continuity. The dwarf attacks and "rides" the patient, then the dwarf's sister comes in and ends it. The role of the dwarf's sister in this theory concerning the galdor would be one in keeping with women's traditional status as the peacemakers and diplomats in Germanic culture--she puts an end to the violence (in this case, the dwarf's attack) and swears that it shall never befall anyone again.
If we identify the spider wight with the dwarf and interpret the galdor as relating the dwarf's "ride" upon the patient, then we would appear to have on a hand a description of a nightmare. Among the Germanic peoples nightmares were believed to be caused by various wights who attack people in their sleep and then take their souls out for a ride. The most common perpetrator of such was perhaps the nightmare itself or, in Old English, the mare. The mare was apparently a metaphysical wight whose whole purpose in life was to ride both men and horses in their sleep. In the morning men so afflicted would wake up exhausted and it was believed that if a man or horse were so ridden long enough he would die of exhaustion. There were apparently nightmares of both sexes, as feminine mare had a masculine counterpart, mera, in Old English. Not only nightmares caused nightmares, however, as other wights were also believed to do so. Hags were believed to fare forth in their sleep to ride both men and horses. Similarly, in Germany nightmares appear to have been attributed to the elves; in Middle High German the word alp (cognate to both Old English ælf and Old Norse alfr, both meaning "elf") meant "nightmare" as does the modern High German alpdruck (literally "elf pressure"). As other wights are capable of causing nightmares, then it seems reasonable to assume dwarves are too.
In either case, both theories seem to accept that the galdor is describing an instance of faring forth. This brings us to another point of contention, how the word haman in line 2 should be interpreted. Cockayne translates the word as "hams," as in the backs of the legs. This seems high unlikely, and the phrase "hams in hand" sounds utterly ridiculous, as such a position would make it difficult to walk. Storms translate haman as "reins," which sounds much more reasonable. Unfortunately, it seems doubtful that a word such as haman meaning "reins" existed in Old English. This leaves us to decide what haman means. Of similar words we can discount hám "home, village," and hamm, "piece of pasture land, enclosure." This leaves us with two related words, ham "undergarment" and hama "covering, dress, skin, slough of a snake." Both are cognates of Old Norse hamr, a term used both of "hide, skin" and "the outer covering of the soul, which may be molded into any shape desired by its possessor." The fjaðrhamR ("feather coat") Freyja is then simply her hamr shaped into the form of a falcon. Old English hama also appears to have been used in somewhat the same way. A few Old English poems such as "The Wanderer" seem to hint at faring forth and fjaðrhamr had a cognate in Old English, fetherhama, although it usually refers simply to the plumage of birds. At any rate, if we take hama and hamr as both cognates and synonyms, we can then translate haman as "the outer skin of the soul" or "the shape which the soul can take." Hama survived into modern English as hame, so it can be used in a modern translation. This still leaves us with a problem as, unless we assume one can hold the outer covering of one's own soul, the phrase hame in hands does not appear to make sense. If we assume that the words "in hands" are being used figuratively to mean "ready to use, available," not unlike our modern phrase "on hand," then the line makes much more sense.
Haman is not the only questionable word in the galdor of With Dweorgh II. The words scholar translate as "spider wight" appears in the manuscript as Old English spiden wiht. As there is no such word in Old English as spiden, most scholars have assumed that what appears to be an "n" is actually an "r"--the two letters looking very, very similar in Old English script. While it might seem presumptuous to assume spiden is actually spider, a word which appears nowhere else in Old English sources, it must be pointed out that the word spider is of solidly Germanic descent (it derives from Old English spinnan and means literally "spinner," as of webs) and appears very early in Middle English. While there is a chance that spiden is not in fact spider, it seems a safe bet to assume that it is.
It should be noted that the charm instructs the healer to have "one who is a maiden" go to the patient and "hang it (the galdor) on his neck." Though the charm does not instruct the healer to inscribe the galdor on paper or some other substance, we must assume that this was the case, for other wise how it be hung about the patient's neck? The inscription of galdors before or after they had been sung appears elsewhere in Germanic sources and should not be considered unusual. In Egils Saga when Egil set up a níðstöng against the Norwegian king, he inscribes the whole galdor upon the pole. Similarly the hanging of galdors, magical substances, and so on about the neck of sick persons in order to effect a cure is common in Germanic folk healing, the "spider in a pouch" referred to above being one such cure.
Many may be tempted to see in the maiden who places the galdor around the patient's neck a Christian influence, obsessed as they seem to be with virginity, though this is not necessarily the case. The maiden could well play the role of the dwarf's sister, who steps in and ends the patient's illness. Finally it should be noted again that the number three, so common to Germanic literature and magic, plays a significant part in the charm. The galdor is sung three times, once in each of the patient's ears and once atop his head. Similarly, the entire process is to be repeated for three successive days.
What was "Dwarf Sickness?"
Perhaps the biggest question brought to mind by both charms is what sort of illness might be brought on by a dwarf? Scholars have long debated this and as of yet there is no consensus on the subject.
If in the galdor of With Dweorgh II we identify the spider wight as the dwarf, then we can assume nightmares were at least one of the symptoms of dwarf inspired illness. The galdor may hold another clue to the symptoms of "dwarf sickness" if scholars are to be believed. Many scholars interpret the line "as soon as they came off the land they began to cool" as a possible sign that fever may be involved. After all, a person cannot cool down unless his temperature has risen above normal to begin with. Beyond this line scholars point to the position dwarves held in mythology as the greatest smiths of them all. As such they would be well accustomed to working with fire. It would seem child's play for a dwarf to turn his bellows and forge to heating up human beings rather than metal. On the other hand, it must be pointed out that the reference to cooling does not necessarily indicate that a fever was involved. After all, most human beings tend to work up a sweat from exercise and being ridden by a dwarf would certainly seem to qualify as exercise. The theory that fever is a symptom of dwarf-inspired sickness does have merit, however, and should not be ruled out.
For the possible symptoms we may wish to look outside Lacnunga for a moment. In the Peri Didaeon, an Old English collection of diagnoses and cures possibly collected from Italian sources, in a cure for asthma it states that the patient "writhes as if vexed by a dwarf." The sickness brought on by dwarves then would involve a contorting or twisting of the body, if not convulsions. Unfortunately this does not narrow down the field of ailments very much, as many illnesses involve "writhing" or convulsions, though it might be noted that "writhing" is characteristic of both nightmares and fevers. Interestingly enough, the Herbarium states that the herb dweorge dwosle may be used "if cramps or spasms hurt any man."
The use of dweorge dwosle against spasms, which are involuntary and convulsive contractions of a muscle, and the link between dwarves and writhing and twisting movements, could indicate that dweorge dwosle was indeed used against dwarf-inspired illnesses. The Herbarium also states that it may be used for "fever which ails one on the third day," bringing to mind both the "cooling" and the "three days" mentioned in With Dweorgh II. Other than spasms and fevers, none of the other ailments listed in the Herbarium as treatable by dweorge dwosle seem particularly characteristic of dwarves no have they any real link to nightmares, fevers, or convulsions. Dweorge dwosle is supposed to be used for soreness in various body parts (the intestines, the stomach, the chest, the spleen, and the loins), itching of the genitals, miscarriages, sea sickness, and kidney stones. Of course, it must be kept in mind that the Herbarium draws mostly upon Classical medicine and but rarely reflects native Anglo-Saxon remedies; however, from With Dweorgh II and the remedy for asthma in Peri Didaeon, we are reasonable in assuming that fever and convulsive movement may characterize illnesses caused by dwarves.
In dealing with dweorge dwosle we are on much safer ground looking at its uses in Lacnunga, which draws much more heavily on native sources. As stated earlier, dweorge dwosle appears as an ingredient in an eye salve, a green salve for unspecified ailments, and a salve against headaches. If we assume that dweorge dwosle is used against dwarf inspired illnesses, and if we assume that these salves are native to the Anglo-Saxons (there seems to be little reason not to, considering their appearance in Lacnunga and their notable absence in the Latin spawned Herbarium), then we can also assume that ailments of the eyes and headaches are also symptoms which can be brought on by a dwarf. It should also be noted that headaches often accompany fever and that diseases (such as the cold or flu) capable of producing headaches and fevers sometimes attack the eyes as well.
Beyond these few references to dwarves and dweorge dwosle in Old English sources, we are at a loss for the symptoms associated with dwarf inspired sicknesses. If we use what little information we have to create a composite of a dwarf inspired disease, however, we would have an illness which consists of nightmares, fever, convulsions, headaches, and infections of the eyes. This tells us little, as many diseases are capable of producing hallucinations which resemble nightmares, fevers, convulsions, and headaches. Similarly, a number of diseases which can produce these symptoms can also attack the eyes. So, while we can somewhat describe the sort of illness a dwarf might inflict on a man, we cannot with any certainty say what that illness is.
Conclusion
Studying these two charms against dwarves in Lacnunga tells us little, not much but a little, of how the Anglo-Saxons viewed the dwarves. From their very existence we know that the Anglo-Saxons believed the dwarves to be disease causing agents. From examination of the charms we can surmise that the dwarves were capable of producing nightmares and that the ailments they may have caused may possibly have consisted of fever, headache, and convulsions.
The Old English charms contain a wealth of information that can be unlocked with a little research. We as heathen should then study them if we wish to learn more of our forebears' magic, healing, and even the way they viewed various wights.
Bookhoard
An Anglo-Saxon Dictionary. Clarendon Press. Oxford: 1898, 1921.
Cocayne, O. Leechdoms, Wortcunning and Starcraft of Early England. Holland Press. London: 1961 (originally published 1864).
Grattan, J.G.H., and Singer, S. Anglo-Saxon Magic and Medicine. Oxford University Press. London: 1952.
Grimm, J (trans. S. Stallybrass). Teutonic Mythology. Dover Publications Inc. New York: 1966.
Storms, G. Anglo-Saxon Magic. Martinus Nijhoff. The Hague: 1948.
Thorsson, E. Runelore. Samuel Weiser. York Beach: 1987.
Turville-Petre, E.O.G. Myth and Religion of the North. Holt, Rinehart, and Winston. New York: 1964.
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